An Evaluation of the Factors Affecting the Online Shopping...

Abstract Online shopping has grown rapidly in China over the last decade, yet there are only a few studies in Chinese context. This research focuses on B2C (Business to Customer) and C2C (Customer to Customer) to identify the factors that affect online shopping intention of consumers in both positive and negative aspects. However, there are some differences exist that influence online shopping intention among different countries. As a result, this essay evaluates the determinants of online shopping intention of Chinese consumers by comparing consumers in other countries, which will give an insight for online sellers to develop more competitive strategies in China. Contents Abstract Introduction 1 Literature Review 3 1.†¦show more content†¦To allow the reader to better understand the factors affecting online shopping intention in China, this section will offer academic research reviews regarding this subject, including different theories, influential factors, and concerns relating to cultural differences. Since online shopping has become more popular, it has attracted widespread attention. Different models and theories have been adopted by many researchers to identify and examine the factors affecting online shopping intention or behaviours. â€Å"The Theory of Reasoned Action (TRA), the Technology Acceptance Model (TAM) and the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB)† have been frequently used (So, et al., 2005, pp.1226-1228). Chiu, Chang, Cheng and Fang (2009, p.761) extended TAM â€Å"by introducing e-service quality dimensions, trust and enjoyment in the development of a theoretical model to study customers’ repurchase intentions of online shopping†. Similarly, Liao and Shi (2009, p.25) conducted the related research which is also based on the TAM framework, but combined it with â€Å"environmental and social constructs to elucidate consumers’ attitude and behavioural intention to use e-retailing†. A number of studies have extensively discussed the factors influencing online shopping intention over many years. â€Å"Convenience, price savings, extensive information, enjoyment, and broad product selection are considered as major benefits ofShow MoreRelatedA Good With Luxury Brand1498 Words   |  6 Pageslabeled for everyday purpose. And in the meanwhile, it is always associated with fashion factor, as a common sense, when people talk about luxury goods. 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Children s Center Preschool Room For My Prosocial...

I went to Keiki Hau‘oli Children’s Center preschool room for my prosocial observation assignment. During my visit, it was indoor free play time, meanwhile teachers were offering breakfast. The schedule is not rush, they can play indoor and outdoor with free choices for one hour. First, the room was organized by the section. Each section has double or multiple amount of toys for children to play with their friends. For example, on a shelf, there are three baby dolls and their matching clothes. Children interact each other by asking questions such as, â€Å"Baby is hungry. What can I do?† Another child said, â€Å"I will show you.† She used her baby bottle to pretend feeding a baby. There is big open floor space in the back of the room for the children to play freely. Children were playing with blocks and cars on that open floor. Some were playing with â€Å"Kapla† on a low table with one caregiver. Other children were sitting at the carpet, listening a story. Children play peacefully because there are variety of activity choices they can play. Two things if I am able to change, I will change the floor arrangement and add more books. First, I will move free floor space from back of the room to the middle close to the entrance because I can hear them well, so I could interact with them more. I like ocean, nature, and Hawaiian culture area. They display nicely, but they are not create any prosocial environment. I display more attractive to the children. I will put books related withShow MoreRelatedStephen P. Robbins Timothy A. Judge (2011) Organizational Behaviour 15th Edition New Jersey: Prentice Hall393164 Words   |  1573 Pagesand permission should be obtained from the publisher prior to any prohibited reproduction, storage in a retrieval system, or transmission in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or likewise. To obtain permission(s) to use material from this work, please submit a wr itten request to Pearson Education, Inc., Permissions Department, One Lake Street, Upper Saddle River, New Jersey 07458, or you may fax your request to 201-236-3290. Many of the designations by manufacturers

Leadership and domestic politics Free Essays

Introduction Scholars in political sciences frequently argue on the power of separate groups and leaders in their strivings towards hegemony, as well as their role in creating politics in general (Jacobsen 1996; Hermann Hagan, 1998). As a result, what we read in works on politics is often contradictory and sometimes arguable. When we speak about the striving of certain political leaders to hijack their domestic politics for the sake of creating an empire, we should first analyze whether any politics can be called domestic. We will write a custom essay sample on Leadership and domestic politics or any similar topic only for you Order Now Consequentially, the possibility of separate political groups breaking the power of leaders should be analyzed through the prism of the three major political theories: realist, constructivist, and liberal. As a result, we will acquire a set of clear unbiased notions on the basis of which we will be able to come to relevant conclusions as for the possibility of creating a political empire through hijacking domestic politics (if we prove these exist). The discussion of the current subject should possible be started with the analysis of political domesticity, and the role of domestic politics (states, leaders) through the prism of political realism. â€Å"Realism relies for its explanatory power upon disproportionate enfranchisement of diplomatic elites. An enfranchised actor in two-level games is one who is privileged to participate in the ratification process of an agreement or whose consent is required to implement it.† (Jacobsen 1996, p. 97) This statement can be interpreted from the two different viewpoints: on the one hand, realist theory supports the power of separate political groups in decision-making; on the other hand, realist theory seems to deny the power of separate political formation in their strivings towards creating political empire. Certainly, the politics which have the full right to participate in multifaceted political processes do not objectively have the need to hijack their strong positions within the political decision-making structures. However, when we suggest that domestic politics can be hijacked for the sake of creating an empire, can this statement be relevant? Objectively, it cannot as long as the fact of politics being domestic is irrelevant. This can be assumed not merely on the basis of rapid globalization process within political environment. International forces currently appear stronger than those of separate states. â€Å"Brazil resisted American threats to its computer policies, while the European Union quickly capitulated to the U.S. in agricultural issues.† (Jacobsen 1996, p. 99) As a result, international issues often prevail over those which were traditionally supposed â€Å"domestic†. Of course, domesticity of politics is not totally lost, as inner-state decision-making agents still analyze the events at the international political arena and process them before these are delivered to the masses. Yet, not a single politics can longer separate it from being an international political player. The world political situation leads us to the thought that â€Å"states operate simultaneously at domestic and international levels and want to maximize benefits in one domain to enhance their positions in the other† (Jacobsen 1996, p. 101). Thus, not a single politics in the globalized political processes can characterized as being domestic. Thus, we have come to conclusion that the first part of the discussed question is at least irrelevant. However, and probably surprisingly, this does not mean that the whole assumption is politically meaningful. Continuing the line of political realism we should also have a look at separate political players, who may have claims at creating political empire. In this sense, does leadership still matter or is there any chance that it will be neglected to create political hegemony of certain political groups? While Jacobsen (1996) asserts that the domestic structure of states is extremely vague and depends solely on how political leaders interpret external events for the benefit of their position, this viewpoint also leads us to the thought that leadership should also be viewed through the international prism. Leadership as domestic political phenomenon loses its relevance as soon as we return to the discussion of domesticity as meaningless in the global political structure. In connection to political realism, leadership still matters. â€Å"Leaders define states’ international and domestic constraints. Based on their perceptions and interpretations, they build expectations, plan strategies, and urge actions on their governments that conform with their judgments about what is possible and likely to maintain them in their positions† (Hermann Hagan 1998, p. 126). Thus, to follow the provisions of political realism, and to remain within the limits of leadership framework, it is rather difficult to assert whether separate groups will hijack various policies to create political empire. The fact is that their power in conquering hegemonic position will depend on the number of factors. First, the power of groups depends on the power of the leader: when groups seek to determine whose position in the foreign policy matter, they simultaneously determine the power of leader’s policy. Upon the leader’s inability to find consensus with the groups, these groups will in turn search for consensus between themselves; as a result, this cohesiveness will produce the so-called â€Å"groupthink†, and will cause â€Å"premature closure around options preferred by the more powerful policymakers† (Herman Hagan 1998, p. 127). Second, the opportunity of the certain political groups to hijack the leader’s policy for the sake of creating an empire will depend on the importance of question to be resolved as a result of this attack. Within the lack of domesticity, and the globalized political processes, an unlimited number of political groups can exist, which will have the power in foreign decision making due to their expertise or official position (Herman Hagan 1998, p. 128). Again, it will depend both on the power of these groups and the power of the higher political structures, whether those groups will be capable of breaking the existing political regime towards empire. However, when we speak about the lack of political domesticity and the growing globalization of political decision-making, we can also mean that the notion of political empire is far less meaningful than it could be in other political conditions. Yet, the meaning of leadership and the meaning of political groups vs. leadership has not lost its meaning. The striving of separate political groups towards creating empire is rather vague and inconsistent within the notions of political constructivism. Traditionally, political constructivism was based on the importance of political norms and the importance of following these norms as based on public reason. When we accept the fact of existing political hierarchy, in which leaders and political groups may find themselves in political conflict, and in which the latter may hijack the former to create an empire, we have to accept the possibility that both will come to a reasonable consensus and would act according to the mutually agreed norms. â€Å"Everything depends then for the constructivist on whether there is a rich enough level of consensus to arrive at a shared understanding of the reasonable to enable us to arrive at a shared understanding of the justice† (Stephan 2004, p. 207). It is expected, that in the environment of political consensus between the leader and the groups, the groups would have no stimuli to hijack the existing political stability for the sake of the unstable empire. The striving of political groups towards power in constructivist theory is weak and meaningless as long as political constructivism is connected with pluralism (Stephan 2004, p. 209). Surely, political scholars may interpret pluralism as causing possible risk to the power of leaders; however it is more possible that numerous norms and groups will compromisingly co-exist in the global political environment without breaking its balance. Political liberalism as the tool of analyzing the political power of groups vs. leaders is even more interesting. As constructivism, liberalism is connected with pluralism, but its pluralism is different and seems to be more problematic in the striving of groups to power. First of all, liberalism initially treats governments as politically neutral powers. As a result, the power of social groups acquired additional meaning and literally turns into a threat for government in their political strivings. Moreover, the pluralism which political liberalism treats seems to be more negative than positive within the current discussion. This means that liberal pluralism risks creating identity-wars within various political formations (Rawls 1995, p. 100). As a result, liberal thought is the closest to supporting the idea of political groups hijacking the power of political leaders. Simultaneously, even in this light the chance that political groups would strive to break the existing political regime, are vague due to the stable universalism of humanist ideas, to which liberal groups keep. In this sense the liberal view of the discussed question reminds that of political constructivism. It is important to note that in the global political environment, liberal political cultures are frequently positioned as those opposed to non-liberal cultures. As a result, there are significant risks of political conflicts and the desire of either liberal or non-liberal groups to obtain the power by hijacking the opposed regime. in this aspect liberal thought can be closely connected with the realist provisions: this will depend on the power of leaders, the importance of the questions to be resolved, and the ability of the groups to come to political consensus, whether they will attack the existing political regimes. As a result, we return to the thought that we cannot definitely accept the viewpoint that groups will hijack the policy of their states or groups of states to create an empire. Conclusion We have thus come to conclusion that politics can hardly be domestic. In the light politics being closer to transnational, groups will hardly strive for hijacking narrower policies for the sake of creating an empire. This statement is justified by the realistic variety of factors (the power of state leadership, the importance of the question to be resolved, and the rivalry between groups). Political constructivism tends to observe groups as existing in consensus, and thus being deprived of motives to hijack their political stability. However, when liberal players are positioned against non-liberal players we return to the realist view of political groups, when their striving to break the existing political regime is very vague and can be determined only by a wide range of political stability factors. References Hermann, M.G. Hagan, J.D. (1998). International decision making: Leadership matters. Foreign Policy 110 (Special edition), 124-137. Jacobsen, J.K. (1996). Review: Are all politics domestic? Perspectives on the integration of comparative politics and international relations theories. Comparative Politics 29 (1), pp. 93-115. Rawls, J. (1995). Political liberalism. Columbia University Press. Stephan, H. (2004). Constructivism in international relations: The politics of reality. In M. Zehfuss, Constructivism in international relations, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pp. 202-218. How to cite Leadership and domestic politics, Essay examples

Google Cloud Computing And Application †MyAssignmenthelp.com

Question: Discuss about the Google Cloud Computing And Application. Answer: Company profile The company, which is taken into consideration in the forum post, is the Google. The concept of the organization which is the focus point would be the cloud computing and application applicable in the Google organization. Google has solidified its position in the market place as one of the top three public cloud providers alongside the Microsoft Azure and Amazon web service (Ab Rahman et al. 2018). The position of the Google in the field being high despite of which its cloud offering, attracting the enterprise client has been proven to be difficult for the organization. The Google platform of cloud offers different types of service relating to storage, computing, big data, networking, internet of things (IoT) and machine learning. The main advantage which can be achieved from the concept of the cloud computing is the processing, storing and manipulation of the data which is being stored in the concept of the cloud. There are also security aspects, which are involved into the concept so that the data is kept, secured from intruders. Product and services offered The cloud core concept products, which are available through the platform of Google cloud platform, include: Google App engine: It can be referred as to platform as a service which gives the software developers the access to the scalable hosting of Google. Developers can directly make use of the software developer kit (SDK) to implement and develop softwares that run on the engine of the App. Google compute engine: it can be referred to as an infrastructure as a service (IaaS) which directly offers user with a virtual machine instance for the concept of hosting the workload. Google container engine: Is an orchestration and management system for the container of the Docker that directly runs within the Googles public cloud. The engine, which is related to the Google container, is directly based on kubernetes container engine of orchestration (Li et al. 2015). The Google cloud platform offers different types of integration and application development features. For example, Google cloud Pub/Sub, which is a messaging service, which is managed in real time, which allows the message to be exchanged between the applications. In addition to this, the Google cloud endpoint directly helps the developers create service, which are relied on the RESTful APIs. This aspect makes this type of services accessible through the Apple iOS, java script client and Android. Other fields of offering which re provided mainly include direct network interconnection, DNS server, monitoring, load balancing and logging service. It can be stated that the Google cloud service is very user-friendly approach so that anybody can use and implement the approach. Innovation through the process The aspect of artificial intelligence relating to Google directly offers its cloud machine learning which is a service, which is managed, that enables the user to train and build model relating to learning model. Various APIs are also available in the sphere of the APIs for the analysis of the text, speech, videos and image (Hashem et al. 2015). The services, which are related to the internet of things (IoT) such as Google, cloud IoT core, which is a service that enables the user to manage and consume data from the devices of the internet of things (IoT). It can be stated here that despite of the services which are provided by the cloud the recent outages which are related to the issues of the networking, which are included in the concept, made the customer question the Google cloud service and its maturity and the reliability. Competitive advantage Google offers different types of training certificates and programs, which is related to Google cloud platform. This majorly include the programs related to cloud infrastructure, machine learning, G suite administration as well as an introductory program for the platform related to cloud. There are three-cloud certification of the Google namely: Certified professional data engineer Certified professional G suite administrator Professional architecture of cloud (Arpaci 2016). There are variety of storage option relating to the storage options, which are available in the concept of the cloud service, which are provided by Google. The main advantage, which can be achived from the concept, is that the data can be manipulated any time in a highly secured manner without the interference of any third party involved into the aspect. The features, which are mainly included, may form: Cloud Data store: This is a NoSQL managed and scheme less database that is scalable automatically. The service is free up to a range of 1GB total per day and prices at a range of $0.18 per GB per month after that. MySQL database: The hosted version starts from a price range of around $1 a month. Cloud storage: Google object service storage is available in two different types of pricing. The first one being a standard pricing which is $0.026 GB per month and durable reduced availability which is ranged at $0.02 GB per month but has a concern with low availability (Butler 2015). References Ab Rahman, N.H., Cahyani, N.D.W. and Choo, K.K.R., 2017. Cloud incident handling and forensic?by?design: cloud storage as a case study. Concurrency and Computation: Practice and Experience, 29(14). Arpaci, I., 2016. Understanding and predicting students' intention to use mobile cloud storage services. Computers in Human Behavior, 58, pp.150-157. Butler, B., 2015. Gartner: Top 10 cloud storage providers. Hashem, I.A.T., Yaqoob, I., Anuar, N.B., Mokhtar, S., Gani, A. and Khan, S.U., 2015. The rise of big data on cloud computing: Review and open research issues. Information Systems, 47, pp.98-115. Li, Z., Dai, Y., Chen, G. and Liu, Y., 2016. Toward network-level efficiency for cloud storage services. In Content Distribution for Mobile Internet: A Cloud-based Approach (pp. 167-196). Springer, Singapore. Li, Z., Dai, Y., Chen, G. and Liu, Y., 2016. Toward network-level efficiency for cloud storage services. In Content Distribution for Mobile Internet: A Cloud-based Approach (pp. 167-196). Springer, Singapore. Sari, A., 2015. A review of anomaly detection systems in cloud networks and survey of cloud security measures in cloud storage applications. Journal of Information Security, 6(02), p.142.